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Executive Power Without Restraint: How the Collapse of the Rule of Law Is Re-shaping Governance in Uganda

The rule of law is the central pillar upon which constitutional governance rests. When it weakens, executive power ceases to be bounded by law and instead becomes governed by discretion, coercion, and fear. The steady erosion of the rule of law has fundamentally altered the character and exercise of executive authority, raising grave constitutional and moral questions.

Articles 98 and 99 of the Constitution vest executive authority in the President, designating him both Head of State and Government, and mandating Him to execute the laws of Uganda. This authority, however, is not absolute. It is explicitly constrained by the Constitution itself; reinforced by the presidential oath, which requires the President to preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution and to govern according to the law.

Executive power is therefore fiduciary in nature, held in trust for the people, not exercised above them. When state actions routinely violate constitutional guarantees, the executive ceases to be a constitutional custodian and instead becomes a source of constitutional injury.

One of the clearest manifestations of the collapse of the rule of law is the routine use of excessive force by the police. Public order management has increasingly been characterised by violent dispersals, arbitrary arrests, and disproportionate use of lethal and non-lethal force against civilians. The police, constitutionally mandated to protect life and property, have in many instances become an instrument of intimidation. When law enforcement acts with impunity, executive power shifts from lawful authority to raw coercion, undermining public trust and eroding legitimacy of the state itself.

Since 2020, we’ve witnessed a disturbing rise in abductions, often carried out by armed men in unmarked vehicles, with victims held incommunicado for days or weeks. Families are left without information, courts are bypassed, and legal safeguards are rendered meaningless. These abductions signal a profound breakdown of constitutional order. Executive power, when exercised outside the legal framework, becomes clandestine and unaccountable. Absence of transparency is not incidental; it is the very mechanism through which unlawful power sustains itself.

The Constitution guarantees the right to liberty and the right to be produced before a court within prescribed timelines. Yet prolonged detention without trial has become increasingly common, especially in politically sensitive cases. Detention without trial is not merely a procedural violation; it is an assertion that executive convenience outweighs constitutional rights. It converts justice system into an accessory rather than a check on power, hollowing out the separation of powers that underpins democratic governance.

Perhaps the gravest indictment of executive overreach is the continued use of torture. The prohibition against torture is absolute, non-derogable under both the Ugandan Constitution and international human rights law. No emergency, no political objective, and no security justification can excuse it. When torture occurs, it represents the complete abandonment of lawful governance. It signals that the executive has stepped outside the moral and legal boundaries of the Constitution, replacing law with cruelty as a tool of control.

The convergence of police brutality, abductions, unlawful detentions, and torture points to a deeper constitutional crisis; one in which executive authority increasingly operates without restraint. A state that governs through fear rather than law may command obedience, but it forfeits legitimacy. Restoring the rule of law is therefore not an abstract legal demand; it is a constitutional necessity to reclaim executive power as an instrument of service rather than domination.

Without the rule of law, executive power does not strengthen the state, it corrodes it from within.

Email: sarah.bireete@gmail.com 

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Uganda’s Unpaid Medical Interns: A Crisis at the Heart of Public Healthcare

Written by Dr. Sarah Bireete

Uganda’s public health system is facing a deepening moral, legal, and policy crisis following the government’s refusal to pay medical interns. At the center of this dispute are young doctors who, after years of intense and costly training, are expected to shoulder the backbone of hospital care, without pay. The decision has far-reaching consequences for healthcare delivery, medical education, and the future of the profession in Uganda

Medical interns in Uganda are not observers or trainees in a casual sense. They are frontline healthcare providers. In many public hospitals, interns cover critical staffing gaps, run wards, attend to emergencies, clerk patients, prescribe under supervision, and provide round-the-clock care.

In practice, interns do most of the regular medical work that keeps hospitals functional, especially in regional referral hospitals where shortages of senior doctors are chronic. Demotivating interns through non-payment directly undermines patient care, increases preventable deaths, and overburdens the few fully employed doctors who remain. Refusing to pay interns while continuing to rely on their labor amounts to institutionalized exploitation.

Before internship, a Ugandan medical doctor spends at least five years at university, followed by internship as a mandatory requirement for full registration. Medical education is among the most demanding and expensive courses in the country. By the time students reach internship, many come from families already financially exhausted. Internship pay is therefore not a luxury, it is basic subsistence, covering rent, food, transport, among others.

Denying interns pay after such prolonged investment effectively turns medical training into a pathway of debt, distress, and despair. The situation poses a sharp dilemma, especially for government-sponsored medical students.

On one hand, the state argues fiscal constraints and frames internship as “training.” On the other hand, it compels graduates to serve, posts them to hospitals, assigns shifts, and disciplines them as workers. This contradiction raises fundamental questions. If internship is compulsory national service, why is it unpaid? Why should interns offer an unpaid service in government hospitals? What’s government’s commitment to universal healthcare?

Uganda’s approach stands in stark contrast to practices across much of Africa. In Kenya, Medical interns are salaried government employees, with formal contracts and monthly pay. In South Africa, Interns receive structured remuneration and are fully integrated into the public service payroll. In Rwanda, Internship is funded as part of national health workforce planning, with clear state responsibility. In Ghana, House officers (interns) are paid and recognized as essential health workers.

In these countries, governments acknowledge a basic truth: you cannot sustain a health system on unpaid labor.
Uganda’s refusal to pay interns risks isolating the country, accelerating brain drain, and making medicine unattractive to talented students, especially those from poor backgrounds.

The unpaid internship policy has consequences beyond medical interns themselves. Patients suffer from demoralized staff and service disruptions
Rural and public hospitals face collapse as interns withdraw labor. Medical students reconsider their career choices or plan to leave the country. Public trust in health governance erodes.

Uganda cannot claim commitment to universal healthcare while refusing to pay the very doctors who keep hospitals running. Internship is not charity work; it is essential labor performed after years of specialized training. Government decision undermines its health system, exploits young professionals, and jeopardizes the future of medical education in Uganda.

Paying medical interns is not merely a budgetary decision; it is a test of justice, foresight, and national priorities.

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